Wire Line
March/April 2001  VOL. 11, NO. 2 
INSIDE WASHINGTON

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by Janet Kopenhaver
AWPA Director of Government Affairs

TRADE

� Trade Promotion (Fast Track) Authority

Trade Promotion Authority (TPA), which gives the president authority to sign trade deals that Congress cannot amend, lapsed during the Clinton Administration because of political infighting. It is important because other countries do not want to negotiate with a president who does not have the final authority to sign a deal that cannot be changed. Thus, fast track is vital if there is to be any progress when a new round of world trade talks begins or a host of other trade agreements are negotiated.

US House Speaker Dennis Hastert (R-IL) cast doubt on the near-term prospects for passage of legislation granting new trade negotiating authority to President Bush, saying Republicans were focused for the time being on cutting taxes. While he called passage of this bill an important priority, he stated TPA would be difficult to pass due to opposition from Democrats in the narrowly divided House.

On the other side of the Capitol, Senators Roberts (R-KS), Hagel (R-NE) and Gramm (R-TX) introduced S 599, a bill that would permanently renew TPA or fast track. Senate Finance Committee Chairman Charles Grassley (R-IA) said his panel would begin marking up the bill within the next several weeks. However, he predicted it could be the end of the year before the whole Congress can give Bush this authority.

One of the biggest hurdles to passage is the labor unions' insistence on linking labor and environment policies to trade agreements. The USTR has signaled that the Administration is willing to consider language on labor and the environment, as long as such language could not be used to erect protectionist barriers. Rep. Bill Thomas (R-CA), Chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee, admitted that a compromise is required from all sides to break the stalemate on trade negotiating authority.

The ranking Democrat on the Senate Finance Committee, Max Baucus (D-MT), insisted that any fast track bill must address labor and environment issues. But Chairman Grassley countered that he will strongly oppose any legislation that directly or indirectly involves the use of trade sanctions to enforce labor and environment provisions in trade agreements.

The business community is now softening their opposition to including these provisions in international trade agreements because of the fact that without Democratic support, no trade agreements will get through the Congress. Ironically, this move has drawn the ire of leading Republicans. House Majority Leader Dick Armey (R-TX) stated that any votes that might be gained by adding these provisions to a fast-track bill would be offset by the loss of votes from another block of lawmakers who want to see trade agreements kept clean.

� Free Trade Agreements

There are numerous free trade agreements in the works. First, the agreement with Jordan is getting increasing press because it contains the controversial labor and environment provisions demanded by Democrats.

Legislation to implement the pact has been introduced in the Senate, and it is already being referred to as a pawn in the larger trade policy debate over the role of labor and environmental issues in trade pacts. Many members of the business community say the enforcement mechanisms in the bill will result in trade sanctions, and have stated their opposition to making this pact the prototype for future agreements. The Chamber of Commerce has even announced it will actively oppose ratification of the agreement.

Singapore is prepared to accept whatever labor and environmental conditions the Bush Administration and Congress attach to a proposed bilateral free-trade bill, according to the Singaporean trade minister. He added that a free-trade deal between the US and Singapore is possible before the end of the year.

Other agreements under consideration are the Free Trade Agreement of the Americas, and free trade agreements with Vietnam, Chile and Brazil.

USTR Zoellick was considering using a bundling approach to getting these various trade initiatives passed by the Congress. In order to get Democrats to support trade promotion authority, Zoellick was going to load the bill up with other provisions they supported, such as the Jordanian agreement linking trade sanctions to labor rights and environment standards.

Other initiatives considered were the renewal of Trade Adjustment Assistance for US workers who lose their jobs to overseas competition stemming from free-trade pacts, and help for the steel industry. It is important to note that the United Steelworkers rejected this linkage outright by stating that "There's no way we're going to allow our members' livelihoods to be held hostage to the Administration's push for fast track." However, in the face of united democratic opposition, Zoellick is back-pedaling on the bundling approach.

� The Byrd Amendment

About 35 Members of Congress joined in a strongly worded statement to USTR Bob Zoellick arguing that the Byrd Amendment does not violate trade statutes as has been alleged. (This amendment, which was passed at the end of the last Congressional session, sends proceeds from anti-dumping and countervailing duties to injured and affected industries whose members brought the original trade case rather than to the US Treasury.) In response, the Bush Administration has indicated that they will fully implement the law.

However, there are problems with implementation, according to the Customs Service's Office of Regulations and Rulings. While the proposals for how to run the new duty distribution program are almost complete, they still must be approved by the Treasury Department before publication in the Federal Register.

Additionally, Canada has raised some concerns about the provision because under the NAFTA, the US is supposed to consult with Canada and Mexico when amending its dumping or countervailing duty laws. No consultations took place before the Byrd Amendment was adopted.

� China in the WTO

House Trade Subcommittee Chairman Phil Crane (R-IL) recently remarked that unless China joins the WTO by June, an action very unlikely, Congress will be forced to vote again on normal trade relations (NTR) with China. President Bush will have to certify by June 3rd whether to grant NTR status to China for another year, which could trigger another contentious vote on Capitol Hill.

Additionally, Chinese trade officials have signaled that Beijing is likely to delay China's accession to the WTO beyond October because rewriting the country's domestic legal code to conform with WTO rules would take a minimum of several months. And certainly the recent controversy regarding the downed fighters will have a major political impact on these issues.

� WTO Ruling Against the US

The World Trade Organization (WTO) set a July deadline for the US to change an 85-year old law aimed at penalizing low-priced imports. The WTO ruled that by July 26, the US had to amend the 1916 Anti-Dumping Act that gives courts the right to impose criminal and civil penalties on foreign companies. The European Union (EU) and Japan could seek sanctions if the US fails to comply.

The ruling backed a complaint by the 15-nation EU and Japan that the law violates global trade rules because it allows for fines and imprisonment for companies and individuals found guilty of dumping, as well as the payment of damages. Under WTO rules, the imposition of tariffs is the only remedy allowed to combat dumping.

The 1916 law had been dormant for decades and then revived by the steel industry looking for ways to block steel imports during the Asian economic crisis.

ENVIRONMENTAL/REGULATORY

� Effluent Limitation Guidelines

The AWPA Environmental Affairs Subcommittee members are currently drafting comprehensive comments in response to the proposed Effluent Limitation Guidelines (ELG) covering the Metal Products and Machinery (MP&M) industry sectors. AWPA members will soon be receiving a sample set of comments to assist them in drafting their own response to this onerous rule. The comment deadline has been extended through July 2, 2001.

AWPA also submitted comments on the proposed ELG rule for the Iron and Steel category once again requesting that the wire and wire products industry not be moved from the Iron and Steel Point Source Category to the MP&M Point Source Category. Our points noted that: our manufacturing processes are virtually the same as steel producers; independent wire producers in many cases are competing with integrated mini-mills who would be subject to less stringent discharge limits; and for trade purposes, the wire industry must be considered part of the steel industry.

To see a copy of the comments, go the AWPA website (www.awpa.org) members section.

� Lowering of Lead TRI Reporting Threshold

AWPA recently added its name, along with 72 other associations, to a Lead Industries Coalition letter to EPA Administrator Christine Todd Whitman seeking to convince her to suspend or stay the TRI lead rule and allow the Science Advisory Board to review the science issues before the rule becomes effective. As a result, Whitman's top staff is giving the issue serious consideration. The Senate Small Business Committee plans to hold a hearing this month on the question of federal agencies' evasion of the Small Business impact regulations, and the TRI lead rule will be one of the rules spotlighted.

AWPA also submitted its own set of comments on this rule in conjunction with a solicitation for industry input on how to improve the TRI program overall. Our main concern was with a drastically lower threshold for reporting of lead and lead compound materials. The final TRI reports will unduly alarm communities of the amounts of dangerous substances being released. The TRI numbers for lead will be far too high considering that reporting will now have to be done at trace amount levels.

Additionally, we pointed out that much of the lead associated with our industry is a component of the raw materials used. Even so, the rule would require that these amounts of lead be reported despite the fact that during the manufacturing process, it is not "separated," thus posing a release to the environment.

� PM 2.5 Standard

The US Supreme Court recently ruled that the EPA's implementation of its ozone standard was "unlawful" because the agency's exceeded its Clean Air Act authority and sent it, and the particulate matter (PM) standard, back to the lower court for review. This ruling means that EPA cannot enforce its new rules until it proves to the Court of Appeals its clean air regulations are reasonable, and submits new implementation plans to the court for approval. This decision also allows the DC court to overturn the air quality standards on other grounds. It is unlikely that any revised standards will take effect in the near future.

However, in a blow to industry, the Supreme Court has ruled against their arguments that EPA should have taken into account compliance costs in setting the standards.

This battle with EPA's air pollution standards has now shifted to the Congress. Senator George Voinovich (R-OH), Chairman of the Senate Clean Air Subcommittee, plans to introduce a bill requiring new rules, including those covering air quality issues, to be rooted in sound science and subject to cost-benefit analyses, risk assessment and peer review.

The Clean Air Act requires the EPA to review national ambient air quality standards every five years to ensure public health is protected. The rules in question limit ozone (the main component of urban smog) to 0.08 parts per million, compared to the current standard of 0.12 parts per million. States also would have been required to regulate tiny particulate matter as small as 2.5 microns, compared to the current standard of 10 microns.

� Limiting/Reporting HAPs

The compliance deadline is June 22, 2001 for the new, tighter Hazardous Air Pollutant (HAP) standards for pickling facilities that use hydrogen chloride and/or hydrochloric acid (HCl) regeneration plants. The standards limit emissions of HCl from the scrubber to 18 parts per million by volume (ppmv)

These standards apply to facilities defined as major sources of HAP. A major source emits 10 or more tons per year of an individual HAP or a combined 25 or more tons per year of two or more HAPs. Once a facility has determined that it is subject to these new pickling standards, the specific requirements are based on whether the facility is a new or existing source.

Existing sources are facilities that started construction before September 18, 1997. Whether new or existing, the standards require that regulated sources control HAP emissions by implementing maximum achievable control technology (MACT). For more information on this standard, check out the website http://www.newsteel.com/features/NS9912en.

In another HAP development, EPA is planning to establish requirements for reporting estimated statewide emissions of dozens of hazardous air pollutants (HAPs). As outlined in the regulatory preamble to the rule, states would be required to report to EPA every three years on HAP emissions the way they currently report on estimated emissions of particulate matter and other "Criteria pollutants" under the Clean Air Act.

� Cabinet-Level EPA?

Senator Barbara Boxer (D-CA) recently introduced a bill entitled the "Department of Environmental Protection Affairs Act of 2001" (S 159). Under the provisions of the bill, the EPA would be redesignated as the Department of Environmental Protection Affairs and be included as part of the president's cabinet. The legislation would also dramatically strengthen the EPA's role in negotiating international agreements.

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